The planning was set over the course of a week, organized by three core members. This year’s Pride Parade would feature a surprise altar for Charleena Lyles, a 30-year-old pregnant mother of four killed by Seattle Police Department officers Steven McNew and Jason Anderson on June 18.
Photo courtesy of Erin Sroka
When workers allied with SEIU in February, it came to light that, for the second time, Amazon contractor Security Industry Specialists (SIS) was allegedly discriminating against its own workers. After months of continued action, Muslim employees were finally given a list of accessible prayer rooms, but some still face repercussions for taking a stand.
Over the summer, Seattle’s #NoNewYouthJail movement’s future steps seemed unclear. After more than five years of protests, demonstrations, teach-ins and community outreach, it appeared the “youth jail” people had been fighting vehemently against would soon be constructed on 12th and Alder in the Squire Park neighborhood.
However, a hearing Tuesday evening showed the fight against King County’s $210 million “Children and Family Justice Center” — which, along with courthouses and youth program space, will house a 92,000 square foot juvenile detention center, replacing the current one — is far from finished.
A slew of unpublicized errors made by Seattle City and King County Councils was that evening’s focus.
While hundreds turned out Saturday for a months in the making Black Lives Matter March 2.0 , another event sprouted up nearly two weeks ago among activist’s Facebook feeds: A “Displacement Stops Here” rally and block party. The latter gathered local Black organizers, local artists, and resources all in one place Saturday afternoon at 23rd and Union, a historically Black neighborhood.
The Seattle Black Book Club, a central group to many of the city’s black liberation movements, expressed concerns over issues between the organizer of the BLM march, “Mohawk” or Miles Partman, and Black organizers, specifically women. In a Facebook post, the group said that he was not the leader of any BLM movement.
When it comes to America’s legal system, it has a rather interesting history: Going from grotesque but nonetheless visible executions to traumatic and invisible navigation and punishment. Nearly everything about the judicial and legal system takes place outside of the public eye: legal financial obligations, sentencing, figuring out where to go and what time and if it’s even possible to make it to court while working and with kids, attempting to get an often unaffordable or otherwise overworked lawyer, reliving traumatic events for testimony, the list goes on.
Long story short, everyday systemic violence is often hidden. Partly due to the way the system is set up, the public rarely pauses and comprehends the ramifications of a single gunshot. In the case of the man shot at the University of Washington’s Red Square last January, there’s been limited reflection on the trauma endured by him, his friends, and his family.
“I’m tired of carrying this by myself. I want people to see. I want them to see what right-wing violence looks like. I want the College Republicans to see what happens at their event that they insisted upon having.”
Not only did Amazon actively decide during a second protest to not meet with Security Industry Specialists (SIS) workers — subcontracted by Amazon — but the company also hasn’t made or asked for any changes since the first protest.